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AUTO-DA-FÉ IN THE PLAZA MAYOR (Bernardo J. García García)

"A detailed recreation of the Auto-da-fé in Madrid's Plaza Mayor in 1680,
showcasing the imposing staging and the multitude of attendees and
condemned.To complement the historical description of the event,
the image was generated by IA GEMINI."
The auto-da-fé of June 30, 1680, in Madrid's Plaza Mayor, provides one of the most spectacular images of Baroque Spain, which has become associated with the "Black Legend" of Hispanic decline. Charles II attended in the company of his recent wife, Maria Luisa of Orléans, and the Queen Mother, Mariana of Austria, along with the cream of Madrid society.

The death of Don Juan José de Austria, the king's illegitimate brother, in mid-September 1679, ushered in a new era in the long reign of Charles II (1665-1700). The king hurried to Toledo to lift his mother Mariana of Austria's exile, and preparations for the royal wedding to Maria Luisa of Orléans (1662-1689), then 17 years old and the daughter of Duke Philip of Orléans (brother of Louis XIV of France), were accelerated. The arrival of the Indies fleet that autumn with over 30 million ducats also contributed to this. The marriage with France was a result of the application of the Peace of Nijmegen of 1678. French diplomacy sought to use its victory to influence the Spanish monarchy's foreign policy from within the court itself. After the marriage articles were signed in Paris on July 9 and the Holy See granted a dispensation for their kinship, the wedding was celebrated by proxy, as was customary, in Fontainebleau on August 31, and was ratified on November 19 before the Patriarch of the Indies in Quintanapalla (Burgos). The royal couple's first public entry into Burgos took place the next day. After arriving in Madrid on December 2, the queen's solemn entry into the capital was delayed until January 13, 1680.

To address the severe economic crisis plaguing the Spanish kingdoms and to lead the government, Charles II appointed Juan Francisco Tomás de la Cerda y Enríquez de Rivera, the 8th Duke of Medinaceli, as prime minister on February 21, 1680. He was one of Spain's wealthiest and most powerful grandees, serving as president of the Council of the Indies (1679-1687). He intended to free the king from governmental responsibilities and restore law and order after the period of a certain "caudillismo" (strongman rule) fostered by Juan José de Austria. Medinaceli strengthened his administration by bringing in new officials to promote a commercial and colonial reform that opposed foreign mercantile penetration in Seville and Cádiz and favored reinforcing American defenses. More significant were the severe deflationary measures of his monetary policy, whose long-term benefits were achieved by further aggravating the consequences of successive plague epidemics (1677-1684), drought (1682-1684), locusts, and other catastrophes—such as the Málaga earthquake—on the population.

His goal was to end the existing monetary chaos, reduce the enormous amount of low-quality and counterfeit currency circulating in Castile, and curb rampant inflation and the constant rise in the so-called "silver premium" (to obtain 100 silver reales, 275 had to be paid in current currency). Medinaceli applied a devaluation, reducing the nominal value of copper and silver-linked currency to one-quarter and doing the same for vellón currency fabricated in imitation of the legitimate one. This legalized the circulation of a large amount of counterfeit money but recognized only one-eighth of its value, and the silver premium was set at 50 percent. To regulate prices, product and service rates were published in the main cities at the end of 1680. These measures benefited those with fixed incomes and salaries, or who hoarded precious metals, but the majority of the population was harmed because they only possessed devalued currency.

In this context, and almost as if it were a propitiatory ritual, the General Auto-da-fé took place in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid on June 30, 1680. Ceremonies of this magnitude were quite exceptional in this same Madrid setting. On July 4, 1632, Philip IV, along with Queen Isabel of Bourbon, Infante Don Carlos, and the Count-Duke of Olivares, attended the general auto-da-fé that had been prepared against a significant group of Portuguese Judaizers. They continued with the advent of the Bourbons, although in 1701, Philip V would refuse to witness the general auto-da-fé that had been organized among the celebrations of his arrival on the Spanish throne, as explained by Juan Antonio Llorente in his Critical History of the Inquisition in Spain. However, this would not be the norm for the rest of his reign, as a new wave of inquisitorial repression began in 1720.

The Chroniclers of the Event
We know the circumstances of the auto-da-fé during Charles II's reign in great detail thanks to the Relación written by Joseph del Olmo and published in Madrid at the end of 1680. Its author held the positions of king's quartermaster, master of works for the Buen Retiro Palace, and master major of the Villa de Madrid. As the warden and a lay member of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, he was in charge of designing the layout and building the entire stage where the event would take place in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid. This account includes at the end an explanatory schematic engraving of how the authorities, attendees, and condemned were arranged on this stage, which we reproduce on the fold-out pages. However, the most complete and detailed image of this ceremony is the one offered by the spectacular painting by Francisco Rizzio Ricci, which is preserved in the Prado Museum and was created in 1683 to decorate the Buen Retiro Palace.

"The historical precision with which this painting was executed can be
verified by following the explanations in Joseph del Olmo's Relación."

According to the chronicler, from the beginning of his reign, Charles II had shown his desire to personally attend a general auto-da-fé. Therefore, the inquisitor general Diego Sarmiento de Valladares, taking advantage of the fact that there were many prisoners in different inquisitorial tribunals whose cases were already concluded or about to be, and especially because of the persecution of the Mallorcan Jewish converts (chuetas) and other Judaizers in Castile, offered him the possibility of holding this general auto in Toledo. The king accepted the idea but insisted that the location be Madrid, as a demonstration of the Crown's zeal in defending the faith. It was decided that it would be held on June 30, the feast day of Saint Paul, "so that in it could also be celebrated this great triumph of the Catholic faith and the overcoming of Jewish obstinacy," in Olmo's words. Immediately, the Duke of Medinaceli was offered the honor of carrying the banner of the Holy Office in the so-called Green Cross Procession.

Preparations, Proclamations, and Indulgences
To organize this significant event, in which the Court would participate and the councils and civil and ecclesiastical authorities of the capital would be represented, eight commissions were appointed:

for the construction of the theater (the stage platform in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid)

for preparing the processional standards and the small chests for the sentences

for preparing the lay members of the Holy Office who, on the day of the auto, on horseback and with staffs of justice, were to accompany the Council of the Supreme Inquisition and arrange the canopy, chairs, and new small tables needed for this ceremony

for proclaiming the auto and organizing the hangings, seats, and decorations of the theater, the processions of the Green Cross and the White Cross, the guards for the enclosure and the quemadero (burning place), and the execution of the prisoners

for speeding up the dispatch of the cases of faith, forming and correcting the sentences, housing and dressing the prisoners in their penitential garments, and making the statues of those condemned in effigy

for preparing the manual for the abjurations and absolutions of the prisoners

and also for providing the necessary refreshments for the attendees and officials during a long ceremony that would take almost the entire day.

An order was sent to the different inquisitorial tribunals to send to the Court all those prisoners whose sentences were ready for execution: "the ministers of this holy tribunal went out to receive them in carriages and with weapons so that the prisoners could enter more discreetly, without being seen or recognized by the people, behaving with the circumspection, secrecy, and prudence that the ministers of the Holy Office are accustomed to." The members of the Inquisition tribunals of Toledo and Valladolid, and those from the cities of Ávila, Segovia, and other nearby places, were invited to attend the Auto.

On Thursday, May 30, the feast of San Fernando, at three in the afternoon, the gold-embroidered banner of the Holy Office was placed on the balcony above the door of the inquisitor general's room, decorating the entire facade with crimson damask hangings and announcing this public act of the general auto-da-fé with clarions and timpani. Between five and six in the afternoon, up to 150 people gathered in front of the inquisitor general's houses, including lay members of the Holy Office, commissioners, and notaries of the Court, to proclaim the day of the auto's celebration through the main streets and squares of Madrid: "Let all residents and inhabitants of this town of Madrid, the court of His Majesty, know that the Holy Office of the Inquisition of the city and kingdom of Toledo will celebrate a public auto-da-fé in the main square of the court on Sunday, June thirtieth of this current year, and that the graces and indulgences granted by the supreme pontiffs are given to all who accompany and assist in said auto. It is commanded to be published so that it may come to the notice of all." As the town criers passed, people would shout exclamations like: "Long live the faith of Christ!"

At the end of June, the so-called Company of the Soldiers of the Faith was formed, comprising about 250 men, tasked with guarding the locations of the auto, reinforcing the surveillance of the 118 prisoners, and adding a martial luster to the auto's processions. On June 28, this company, housed in the Court Tribunal (Palacio de Santa Cruz), collected a large quantity of firewood bundles at the Puerta de Alcalá, and went before the king to carry one of these bundles in his name, which "would be the first to be thrown into the fire" of the quemadero at the time of the execution of those condemned to the stake. They then deposited all the wood in the public quemadero installed nearly 100 meters from the Puerta de Fuencarral (current Glorieta de Bilbao). On the day of the auto, June 30, at five in the morning, they accompanied the prisoners to the Plaza Mayor and, at the end of the ceremony, handed them over to the secular arm (civil justice) for the execution of their sentences...

Between the Auto-da-fé and the Quemadero
Before the auto-da-fé began, the Green Cross and the White Cross went out in procession, the first heading for the Plaza Mayor and the second for the quemadero.

The prisoners were assembled, their sentences were read, and each was assigned two religious figures to assist them and encourage their abjuration. At three in the morning, they received the penitential garments made by the tribunal and had breakfast by five. Joseph del Olmo, as the warden of the Holy Office, had the list of the prisoners with the order in which they were to go out in procession and take their places on the stage. Delays in the hearings of some prisoners caused the procession to be delayed until seven in the morning. In it were the Soldiers of the Faith, the Green Cross from the parish of San Martín dressed with a black veil, twelve priests with surplices, and 120 prisoners, each accompanied by two ministers, one on each side (Del Olmo mentions 120 prisoners, but there must be an error, as his nominal list only shows 118).

The first 34 were condemned to be relaxed (the death penalty) in effigy (for being dead or fugitives), with their figures made of paper and cardboard. They therefore wore painted conical hats called corozas with flames (32) and sanbenitos (2), with some carrying small boxes with their bones and all of them with their names written on paper labels on their chests. Of the prisoners who appeared in person with unlit yellow candles in their hands, there were 11 with abjuration de levi (bigamists and liars who wore corozas and some with ropes around their necks, with as many knots as the hundreds of lashes they were to receive); 54 were reconciled Judaizer prisoners (dressed in sanbenitos with a half-cross or a full cross); 21 were condemned to be relaxed (equipped with a coroza and flame-patterned capes and the obstinate ones with dragons among the flames, 12 of whom appeared with their hands tied and gagged so that they could not utter blasphemies or respond to the insults of the crowd that harassed them).

This procession of prisoners left the prisons of the Court Tribunal (Plaza de Santa Cruz), passed by the houses of the inquisitor general, went down the street opposite, and continued to the right to the Plazuela de la Encarnación. From there, it went through the main squares and streets of the Madrid of the Austrias until it entered the Plaza Mayor. Once there, they ascended to the auto's stage via the stairs on the right, went along the outer corridor of the platform, and passed by the altar and in front of the king and queen before taking their seats on the prisoners' stands. Afterward, the inquisitor general, with his deacons and the members of the councils, took their places on the opposite stands. Dressed in pontifical vestments, the inquisitor general descended to the king's balcony to receive an oath from him and the people.

Once the mass began and the sermon was delivered, the longest part of the ceremony commenced: the reading of the cases and sentences, bringing each prisoner or their effigy, in order, to the cages located in the center of the stage. Del Olmo's account contains a complete list of the condemned with their name, origin, age, occupation, penitential garment, and crimes committed, as well as the punishment to which they had been sentenced.

At four in the afternoon, the reading of the sentences of those condemned to death concluded, and the 19 prisoners who were to be executed were immediately led down Calle de Boteros, Calle Mayor, Plaza de las Descalzas, and Plaza de San Martín, to Calle de San Bernardo to go directly to the quemadero at the Puerta de Fuencarral (the discrepancy appears again: Del Olmo mentions the figure of 21 condemned but only provides 19 names).

Meanwhile, in the Plaza Mayor, the reading of the other cases continued until nine at night. After the abjurations before the altar began (which could be de levi for light suspicion of heresy, de vehementi for grave suspicion, and in form for those convicted and confessed of heresy). After the absolution, a honor salute was given by the Company of the Soldiers of the Faith, and the celebration of the mass continued with music and the reading of the Gospel, with the reconciled lighting their candles.

At nine-thirty at night, the mass and with it the Auto-da-fé concluded. Charles II was present on the royal balcony from the time he took his place there at eight in the morning until its end. The penitent prisoners were led back to the prisons of the Court Tribunal.

Inquisitorial Pious Prudence

The execution of the death sentences was the responsibility of civil justice (hence the term relaxed). This is how Del Olmo describes this terrible consequence of the Auto: "The tribunal had, well in advance, advised the secular judges to prepare up to twenty poles and rings in the pyre to be able to give the garrote, and tying the prisoners to them as is customary, to apply the fire, without the need for the horror and violence of other more improper and bloody executions, and at the same time that they should have enough executioners of justice prepared for a quicker dispatch of the punishments. The pious prudence of the holy tribunal, while the prisoners are in its power, requires that moderation be observed in such a way that no one exceeds or fails to comply with the precision and observance of the sacred canons, but upon handing over the prisoners to the public magistrates, this care is on another's account." The pyre erected for this purpose was 3,600 square feet (282 square meters) and 7 feet high (1.96 meters). It was accessed by a staircase and was wide enough to execute all the condemned at once, allowing ministers and religious figures to assist them without difficulty.

The crowd gathered to watch the execution complicated the work of the soldiers guarding the event. "The punishments were carried out, first giving the garrote to the reduced (repentant) and then applying the fire to the obstinate, who were burned alive with not a few signs of impatience, spite, and desperation. And throwing all the corpses into the fire, the executioners fanned it with firewood until they were completely turned to ash, which would be around nine in the morning." At the end, the Company of the Soldiers of the Faith carried the White Cross in procession to the parish of San Miguel, where a response was held for the converted executed.

On July 3 at eleven in the morning, the sentences of lashes and public shame were carried out on the other penitents. The acts related to this General Auto-da-fé concluded with the Green Cross being taken in procession from the College of Santo Tomás to the convent of Santo Domingo el Real on that same day, and with the dissolution of the Company of the Soldiers of the Faith the next day, July 4. In this convent, a particular auto-da-fé (usually called an autillo, because only the Holy Office was present) took place on October 28, 1680, against 15 reconciled Judaizer prisoners and a Venetian condemned as a heretic. Joseph del Olmo includes a description of this other auto at the end of his Relación.

The balance of the General Auto-da-fé of 1680 reports that 104 prisoners were condemned as Judaizers and came mainly from Portugal, but also from Málaga, Zamora, and Pastrana; many of them constituted entire family groups. There was also 1 Muslim, 2 heretics, and 11 prisoners for minor offenses. Their ages ranged from 14 years for the youngest woman to 70 years for an elderly Portuguese woman. It can be observed that the Jewish converts were the main concern of the inquisitorial tribunals in the second half of the 18th century, but the intensity of these persecutions practically died out after this auto of 1680. From then on, the number of condemned people generally decreased.

The 1632 Auto-da-fé in the Plaza Mayor
On July 4, 1632, a General Auto-da-fé was held in Madrid's Plaza Mayor, whose ceremony and arrangement bear many similarities to the one that would take place in the same location in 1680. The main reason for this auto was a sprawling case of Judaizers found guilty of ritually beating an image of Jesus Christ, which, it was said, bled and sobbed, asking its torturers why they mistreated him (it would come to be known as the Christ of Palencia). They were arrested in September 1630 and implicated others. In total, forty people were condemned, and twenty-four of them received punishments for crimes other than Judaizing. On this occasion, the pyre was installed outside the Puerta de Alcalá, and seven condemned were executed there. Despite the significant number of Jewish converts prosecuted, this auto was not part of a more generalized persecution against this minority, which enjoyed great favor at court, thanks to the support given to them by the Count-Duke of Olivares for their collaboration in financing the Monarchy's policies.

Condemned in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid, 1680

At three in the morning on June 30, the 84 prisoners in person (35 women) held in the prisons of the Court Tribunal were dressed in the penitential garments according to their sentence: a coroza with an insignia (of a hypocrite and liar, of superstitious witchcraft, of a married priest, of a woman married two or three times, and of a person condemned to relaxation), sanbenitos (of a half-cross or a full cross, with flames or with demon masks), and some were gagged with their hands tied. The 34 statues of the condemned who were deceased or fugitives (12 women) were also prepared, as were the 10 boxes for the bones of the deceased (4 women).

After finishing their breakfast at five in the morning, they waited until seven to go out in the Auto-da-fé procession. After going through the main streets and squares of the town, they entered the Plaza Mayor and were placed on the prisoners' stands located to the left of the royal balcony. After their sentences were read to those condemned to death (relaxation to the secular arm) between noon and four in the afternoon, they were taken to the quemadero installed outside the Puerta de Fuencarral. In total, there were 51 prisoners relaxed to the secular arm (17 women), 22 fugitives relaxed in effigy (7 women), 2 deceased relaxed in effigy (1 woman), 8 deceased whose bones were burned (3 women), 12 executed by garrote and then burned, for having been "reduced" (repentant) by the religious figures who assisted them (4 women), and 7 burned alive for being obstinate (2 women).

In the Plaza Mayor, the reading of the other cases and sentences continued until nine at night. After the abjurations (10 de levi and 1 de vehementi) and the absolution of the 56 reconciled prisoners (26 women), 2 of whom were reconciled in effigy, the solemn mass resumed with the reading of the Gospel, until its conclusion at nine-thirty at night.

Grouped by age, the 118 prisoners from the 1680 Auto show that 46 of them were between 13 and 30 years old, 36 between 31 and 50 years old, and 12 between 51 and 76 years old. The age of another 24 prisoners is unknown, most of whom had fled or died before the Auto.

In addition to the penalties of relaxation, these other penalties were handed down for the reconciled prisoners and those who abjured: imprisonment for 2 months (1 prisoner), 4 months (1 prisoner), 6 months (13 prisoners), 1 year (10 prisoners), 2 years (3 prisoners), 3 years (1 prisoner), 6 years (1 prisoner), or perpetual and irremissible (21 prisoners); exile for 1 year (13 prisoners), 2 years (11 prisoners), 4 years (2 prisoners), 5 years (3 prisoners), 6 years (2 prisoners), 8 years (1 prisoner), 10 years (2 prisoners), and general (1 prisoner), the longest of which entailed a sentence of rowing in galleys without pay for the first five years; 200 lashes (6 prisoners); disqualification (2 prisoners); confiscation of assets for all reconciled and relaxed prisoners (but most did not possess assets); public shame (1 prisoner); indoctrination with an inquisitorial qualifier (5 prisoners); and a ban on going to ports and 20 leagues around (12 prisoners).

The Stage of the 1680 Auto-da-fé

The stage was built of wood in the Plaza Mayor between June 23 and 28. It was designed by the master major of the Buen Retiro and the Villa de Madrid, Joseph del Olmo, under the supervision of the inquisitorial commissioner Fernando de Villegas. Before building it, the houses and basements that would support the enormous weight of this ephemeral architecture were inspected. The chosen location in the Plaza Mayor encompassed the corner between Calle Toledo and Calle Nueva (current Calle de Ciudad Rodrigo, which leads into Calle Mayor) towards the Puerta de Guadalajara.

The theater's (platform's) floor measured 196 feet long (54.88 meters) and 100 feet wide (28 meters), forming a rectangle with a surface area of 1536 square meters. It was 13 feet (3.64 meters) from the plaza's ground to its first floor. It was accessed by two staircases of ten steps to a landing and another section of ten more steps; the one to the north led to the platform's surface to the left of the king and, by the opposite one, the councils located to the king's right accessed.

Three corridors were built. The first, separated from the wall of the houses of the Count of Barajas, where the monarchs watched the Auto, was 14 feet wide (3.92 meters) and 50 feet long (14 meters), and served for the procession of prisoners to pass in front of the monarchs, "so they could see them better." The second corridor was formed of a similar length, in which a platform oriented towards the East was placed in the middle with two barred cages of 56 centimeters on each side and 98 centimeters high, with their small doors, so that the prisoners could hear their cases and sentences in them. In front of these two cages, two pulpits were installed so that ten Dominican and Jerónimos religious figures could successively read the cases and sentences. Between the two pulpits and cages, there were benches for secretaries, lawyers for the prisoners, chroniclers, and other ministers, and in front of them two small tables, adorned with purple tapestries, with the two small chests containing the documents of the cases and the sentences. The third corridor crowned the outer part of the theater; here, stands were installed for the families of the inquisitors.

To the right of the theater—looking from the balcony—on rich carpets, the altar was arranged with the Green Cross covered by a black veil, the processional banner embroidered in gold, and twelve large silver candelabra; next to these was the preacher's pulpit. A stand was erected that went from the platform's floor to about 70 centimeters below the balconies of the plaza's second floor. On these stands sat the members of the Council of the Inquisition, and of the other Councils (Castile, Aragon, Flanders, Italy, and the Indies), and at the top was placed the throne and canopy of the inquisitor general (adorned with the royal coat of arms and that of the Holy Office), and with two side tables for the pontifical vestments (right) and for the ornaments of the honor chaplains (left). Internal stairs were made at the top of the stands so that the members of the councils located in this part of the platform could go down to the rooms of the first floor to have some refreshments. Opposite these stands and to the left of the theater, another set of stands of similar proportions and access was built, where the prisoners were placed, along with the religious figures who assisted them and the lay members of the Holy Office who guarded them. On a bench next to the central corridor, the wardens were seated (Joseph del Olmo's place) and on another bench, behind them, the lieutenants of the Villa de Madrid.

Below the platform and stands of the council members, there were eight apartments; three of them served as prisons and hearing places for the prisoners, another three were rooms for eating and resting; the seventh, a separate retreat for the preacher until the time of the sermon, and the eighth, for the officiating priest, since the entire event was part of a mass that began with the Auto and concluded it. The refreshments prepared for the attendees consisted of abundant biscuits, chocolate, sweets, and other beverages. Below the stands and the platform of the prisoners, there were another four rooms for feeding and resting the ministers of this part of the stage, and for attending to any accidents that might befall the prisoners (fainting, falls...).

To shield from the sun, awnings were extended by means of poles placed on 26 pilasters and ropes attached to the highest balconies. Next to the platform, a square was formed with a wooden fence, where the soldiers of the faith were placed to facilitate more comfortable access for the processions and the attendees' accompaniment to the event. From there, a street 26 feet wide (7.28 meters) was formed to the entrance of Calle de los Boteros with fences 4.5 feet high (1.26 meters), to contain the public.

Next to the royal balcony (which was number 29 on the first floor on this side of the Plaza Mayor), a door was opened to access the stairs that led to the platform. The royal balcony was gilded, and some partitions were broken to connect the king's quarters with the balconies of the ladies of the palace. Likewise, a canopy was hung at half-height on the balcony of the second floor. The work in general was paid for by the Villa de Madrid, with the exception of the royal balcony, which was paid for by the sovereign, and the decoration of the theater, which was provided by the Tribunal of the Inquisition.

The distribution of the plaza's balconies was done in such a way that the king's gentlemen and ladies, as well as the highest-ranking nobles and ecclesiastics, were situated closest to the monarchs; the importance, lineage, or wealth of the guests diminished as they moved away from the royal balcony.

Translated literally from the magazine La Aventura de la Historia nº 20
Bernardo J. García García 
Associate Professor, Complutense University of Madrid.

Bibliography
Lea, H. C.: «History of the Spanish Inquisition» Madrid, Fundación Universidad Española 1983

Maura Gamazo, G.: «Life and Reign of Charles II» Madrid, Aguilar 1990

Del Olmo, J.: «Account of the General Auto-da-fé that was Celebrated in Madrid in the Presence of Their Majesties on June 30, 1680» Siglo XXI, Colección Clásico Tavera, Historia de España, Serie III, vol. 8, 1998 (there is a CD-ROM edition by the author of the article. I suppose you can contact him through the magazine's website or, the easiest way, the website of the Complutense University of Madrid).

Vegazo Palacios, J. M.: «The General Auto-da-fé of 1680» Málaga, Algazara, 1995

Yerushalmi, Y. H.: «From the Spanish Court to the Italian Ghetto. Marranism and Judaism in 17th Century Spain. The Case of Isaac Cardoso» Madrid, Turner 1989





Fuente: https://web.archive.org/web/20090207224236/http://club.telepolis.com/pastranec/interesantes/autofe.htm


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INQUISICIÓN

"Una representación evocadora de la Inquisición, donde tres inquisidores
interrogan a una acusada. La escena, creada con un impresionante estilo
pictórico al óleo, captura la tensión y el dramatismo del momento histórico.
Imagen generada por IA Gemini."

¡La Inquisición Española Realmente Ocurrió!

En 1478, a petición de los soberanos españoles Fernando e Isabel, el Papa Sixto IV (1471-84) emitió una bula papal que permitía la creación de la Inquisición Española. Duró hasta que fue "abolida" en 1834, aunque su actividad más ferviente fue durante los siglos XV y XVI. La Inquisición Española es notoria por tres razones. Primero, fue más cruel precisamente porque era administrada por el gobierno secular. Segundo, se preocupaba, en gran parte, por los conversos. Estos eran judíos que se habían convertido, ya sea bajo coacción o por conveniencia social, y se sospechaba que practicaban en secreto la fe judía.

Usando la Inquisición Española para Atacar a los Judíos

En su búsqueda de pruebas incriminatorias contra los judíos, los autores incluso reclutan el apoyo de la Inquisición Española. "Más de una vez, los judíos fueron acusados no solo de ser judíos, sino de tráfico de esclavos y, a veces, solo por eso. Los Inquisidores acusaban a los sujetos por cualquiera de los dos crímenes y con frecuencia se encontraba a los judíos culpables de ambos cargos. El tráfico de esclavos y la esclavitud y su conexión con el judaísmo y los judíos eran ofensivos para los reformadores españoles". La Inquisición Española provocó "un reinado de terror en toda Europa" que fue responsable del empobrecimiento, el exilio y la muerte de innumerables judíos, musulmanes y cristianos "heréticos". Los judíos fueron señalados para la persecución debido a su identidad como judíos. Los conceptos de una inquisición y el procedimiento inquisitorial se encuentran profundamente en las raíces de la historia mundial. Las inquisiciones se usaron durante el declive del Imperio Romano hasta el declive de la Inquisición Española en el siglo XIX. Las Inquisiciones tanto en España como en Portugal fueron dirigidas por autoridades civiles y eclesiásticas para erradicar a los no creyentes de una nación o religión.

Resumen de la Inquisición

La Inquisición Española se usó tanto por razones políticas como religiosas. España es un estado-nación que nació de la lucha religiosa entre numerosos sistemas de creencias diferentes. Tras las Cruzadas y la Reconquista de España por parte de los españoles cristianos, los líderes de España necesitaban una forma de unificar el país en una nación fuerte.

Fernando e Isabel eligieron el catolicismo para unir a España y en 1478 pidieron permiso al papa para iniciar la Inquisición Española para purificar al pueblo de España. Comenzaron expulsando a los judíos y otros no creyentes. En 1483, Tomás de Torquemada se convirtió en el inquisidor general para la mayor parte de España. Fue responsable de establecer las reglas del procedimiento inquisitorial y de crear ramas de la Inquisición en varias ciudades. Permaneció como líder de la Inquisición Española durante quince años y fue responsable de la ejecución de miles de españoles.

La Inquisición se dirigía procesalmente por el inquisidor general, quien establecía tribunales locales de la Inquisición. Los herejes acusados eran identificados por la población general y llevados ante el tribunal. Se les daba la oportunidad de confesar su herejía contra la Iglesia Católica y también se les animaba a delatar a otros herejes. Si admitían sus errores y entregaban a otros agresores contra la iglesia, eran liberados o condenados a una pena de prisión. Si no admitían su herejía o no delataban a otros, los acusados eran presentados públicamente en una gran ceremonia antes de ser asesinados públicamente o sentenciados a cadena perpetua.

El reinado de terror de la Inquisición Española fue abolido por el rey Bonaparte en 1834, pero no fue hasta enero de 1968 cuando se cerraron los archivos de la Oficina de la Inquisición en el Vaticano.

Decir simplemente que los católicos han pecado es eludir el aspecto más importante de estos pecados. Lo que sigue siendo importante sobre la Inquisición (y las conversiones forzadas de los pueblos nativos en el Nuevo Mundo) es la participación de la autoridad de la iglesia en estos pecados.





Fuente: https://www.geocities.ws/iberianinquisition/
https://web.archive.org/web/20090723152749/http://geocities.com/iberianinquisition/


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SERMONS OF CONVERSION AND CARNIVAL FOOT RACES



"A depiction of the mandatory conversion sermons imposed on
the Jewish community in the Papal States, where Jews were forced
to listen to inflammatory speeches. (Image generated by Gemini's AI)"


For centuries, Church leaders attempted to force Jews to convert. One of their methods was mandatory attendance at conversion sermons. In 1577, Pope Gregory XIII ordered the Jews of Rome and other parts of the Papal States to send a certain quota of their people on specific occasions to a designated church to listen to a sermon that might open their eyes to the true faith. The conversion sermon became a regular abuse of Jewish life in the Papal States.

It was in Rome itself where the abuses were most extreme. Here, 100 Jewish men and 50 Jewish women had to attend the designated church each week to listen to these speeches, which were usually given by an apostate from Judaism whose fees were paid by the Jewish community. Supervisors armed with sticks made sure they paid attention, and would examine their ears to ensure they were not plugged.

The sermons were always abusive and highly inflammatory. Mobs were inspired by the speeches. In Ferrara, a special entrance was made from the ghetto to the Church of San Crispino, where the sermons were delivered, so that the Jews would not be harmed as they passed through the street.

In 1630, Emperor Ferdinand II instituted conversionist sermons in Vienna, in the university auditorium. Two hundred Jews, including at least 40 teenagers, were required to attend each sermon. In Prague, the Jesuits initiated conversionist sermons that same year. Although there was some relaxation of the system in the 18th century elsewhere, the institution of the conversionist sermon continued in the Papal States, in both Italy and France, until the period of the French Revolution. In Italy, it was renewed after the fall of Napoleon and the restoration of papal government, only to be abolished by Pope Pius IX in 1846 during the liberal period at the beginning of his pontificate.



"A scene illustrating the humiliating Carnival foot races in Rome,
where Jewish men were forced to run in loincloths while crowds
jeered and threw objects at them. (Image generated by Gemini's AI)"




Another abuse by the Church took place in Rome during Carnival, a Christian celebration just before Lent. Beginning in 1466, the Church created a new Carnival entertainment. It took place on the opening Monday of Carnival. Eight Jewish men, dressed only in loincloths, were forced to run the first 400-yard foot race while the booing crowd threw sticks, stones, and garbage at them. At times, this was fatal. After the initial race, the rabbis and leading Jewish figures had to walk the entire route to be subjected to the insults and mockery of the crowd. At the end of the route was a statue of a pig. The rabbis and dignitaries had to kiss the pig.

The races were abolished on February 14, 1667, and replaced with a fine of 300 scudi. The rabbis and community leaders still had to walk the route and pay the fine. The "Homage Ceremony" continued until 1846.





Fuente: https://web.archive.org/web/20001012133125/http://www.jewishgates.org/history/jewhis/conser.stm



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TEJANOS, MANITOS Y LOS CRIPTOJUDÍOS SEFARDITAS -BREVE RELATO HISTÓRICO DE LA RELIGIOSIDAD REGIONAL Y LA VISIÓN DEL MUNDO-

"Un criptojudío sefardita en la Nueva España, inmerso en la lectura
de textos sagrados en la privacidad de su hogar, un reflejo de la tenacidad
cultural y religiosa frente a la Inquisición. (Imagen generada por IA Gemini)"

(Presentado por Richard G. Santos en el campus del centro de la Universidad de Texas en San Antonio 24 de marzo de 1998 - Sección II - Contribución judía sefardita a la cultura de los Tejanos, Norteños y Manitos).

El 8 de agosto de 1580, el barco "La Santa Catalina", cargado de criptojudíos, llegó al Puerto de Tampico. Desembarcaron en esa fecha histórica más de 100 soldados colonos que se habían registrado en Sevilla con las autoridades, contratados por el conquistador converso [es decir, Nuevo Cristiano] Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva para la fundación de El Nuevo Reyno de León [ahora compuesto por el sur de Texas y los estados mexicanos adyacentes de Nuevo León, Coahuila, Tamaulipas y parte de Chihuahua]. La Cédula Real de Colonización describía el "Nuevo Reino de León" como un territorio de 200 leguas cuadradas que comenzaba en la desembocadura del Río Pánuco, frente al Puerto de Tampico. Esto incluía automáticamente los asentamientos de 1577 del Capitán portugués Alberto del Canto [nacido en la "tercera Isla de las Azores" y del que se informa que fue un Criptojudío]. Los asentamientos se llamaron Saltillo y Monclova (en el actual Estado de Coahuila), Cerralvo y Monterrey [en el actual Estado de Nuevo León]. Junto con del Canto, Don Luis reclutó a antiguos conocidos del pueblo minero de Mazapil (y quizás parientes), los capitanes Gasper Castaño de Sosa (del que se dice que era un Criptojudío portugués) y Diego de Montemayor (de antecedentes muy cuestionables). Ninguno de los tres capitanes, sin embargo, fue arrestado o juzgado por la Inquisición. Por lo tanto, sus verdaderas identidades y creencias religiosas no han sido documentadas por más de cuatro siglos.

Sin embargo, como determinaría el mal llamado Santo Oficio de la Inquisición del Virreinato de Nueva España, con sede en la Ciudad de México, en sus juicios y Autos de Fe de 1590 a 1649, la hermana de Don Luis, su esposo e hijos, así como todos sus primos de primer y segundo grado, tíos, tías, parientes políticos y muchos de los soldados colonos y conocidos, eran Nuevos Cristianos Criptojudíos. Aunque pocos de los soldados colonos originales se asentaron realmente en el Nuevo Reyno de León, aquellos que lo hicieron estaban destinados a convertirse en las familias fundadoras de Nuevo León, Texas, Coahuila, Tamaulipas y Nuevo México. Se les unieron, y más tarde se mezclaron por matrimonio, con los colonos de El Reyno de la Nueva Vizcaya, fundado por el conquistador vasco Francisco de Ibarra. Al igual que los colonos de del Canto que sirvieron bajo los Ibarras, muchos de los soldados colonos del "Nuevo Reino de Vizcaya" eran Criptojudíos, conversos, vascos, criollos y mestizos del Reino de la Nueva Galicia en la costa del Pacífico y del Reino de Nueva España en el centro-sur. Muchos eran soldados colonos fundadores de Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán y algunos habían llegado con Hernán Cortés o Pánfilo de Narváez. Como los Pérez de Oñate del "Reino de Nueva Galicia", muchos eran Criptojudíos vascos y conversos.

También debe notarse que 160 unidades familiares de los asentamientos de del Canto-Carvajal y de la Cueva entraron en Nuevo México en 1591 bajo el mando del Capitán Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, donde fueron arrestados y devueltos al área de Zacatecas-Santa Bárbara. En 1598, muchos de ellos se unieron a la expedición de colonización de Nuevo México de Juan Pérez Nariahonda de Oñate [fundador de San Luis Potosí], cuyo padre, Don Cristóbal [fundador de Guadalajara y Zacatecas], había sido identificado como judío por su propio hermano Juan de Oñate.

Por lo tanto, no es sorprendente que al describir a la gente del Nuevo Reyno de León en 1596, el Virrey informara al Rey que "no reconocen ni a Dios ni al Rey". Tampoco es sorprendente leer en la historia publicada en 1610 de la expedición de Oñate a Nuevo México, que "esta tierra está infestada de gente prohibida". Finalmente, desde la Ciudad de México, el 30 de noviembre de 1646, el Inquisidor Mayor Juan Sáenz de Manosca informó al Rey que "es bien sabido que los judíos practicantes tienen el control del Reino de Nueva España".

Las personas legalmente prohibidas de emigrar al Nuevo Mundo eran los Nuevos Cristianos, Judíos y descendientes de personas penitenciadas por la Inquisición. Técnicamente, moros, herejes [es decir, protestantes] y brujas también figuraban entre la "gente prohibida". Sin embargo, al igual que el término "portugués", la frase "gente prohibida" era sinónimo de "judío". El puñado de moros y varias docenas de protestantes {principalmente piratas británicos y franceses} eran intrascendentes en comparación con la dominancia de la "gente prohibida", es decir, los conversos Nuevos Cristianos y Criptojudíos que no solo controlaban la economía del Virreinato, sino que colonizaban los reinos de la frontera norte.

A la luz de esto, no importaba si las personas de ascendencia Sefardita eran conversos, anusim, Criptojudíos o judíos abiertamente practicantes. Eran la clase dominante. Como tales, influenciaron involuntaria e inconscientemente a las personas y culturas a su alrededor. Ya fueran Viejos Cristianos, Indígenas, mestizos o castas, la visión del mundo, los valores, el estilo de vida y la cultura de los Sefardíes fueron intencionalmente imitados e inconscientemente adoptados.

Sería imposible rastrear el origen del anticlericalismo del norte de México, Texas y el suroeste de los EE. UU. hasta los Sefardíes. Sin embargo, como se registra en los juicios de la Inquisición y los Autos de Fe, los Sefardíes manifestaron un severo sentimiento anticlerical y anticatólico. Al mismo tiempo, muchas familias Criptojudías permitían o animaban a que al menos un miembro de la familia se convirtiera en monja o clérigo para tener derecho a un linaje de Viejos Cristianos. El resentimiento que rozaba el odio y la intolerancia se reflejaba en las acciones y el desdén documentados por la Inquisición. También se revelan en los juicios Criptojudíos las referencias a aquellos sacerdotes y misioneros que ilegalmente se tomaron la libertad de absolver a los Criptojudíos y les impedían, o los disuadían, de denunciarse a la Inquisición. Al mismo tiempo, algunos sacerdotes, como el Reverendo Pedro de Alvarado, cura de la iglesia de San Agustín en Zacatecas, fue denunciado a la Inquisición en 1624 por supuestamente declarar "que la fornicación simple entre adultos (solteros) que consienten no era pecado". Se informó a la Inquisición que su compañero sacerdote, el Reverendo Diego de Herrera, declaró que no importaba si los infantes morían sin ser bautizados (o sin recibir el Sacramento de la Extremaunción). Muchos no clérigos habían sido severamente penitenciados por la Inquisición por pronunciar declaraciones idénticas, pero estos dos sacerdotes no lo fueron. Durante el mismo período, el cura y Comisionado de la Inquisición en la Ciudad de Monterrey, capital del Nuevo Reyno de León, era socio de negocios de pleno derecho de la clase dominante. Y, como se documenta en los archivos civiles de Monterrey, el cura fue declarado copropietario de numerosas concesiones mineras y recibía un porcentaje de todas las ganancias. De nuevo, uno no puede evitar preguntarse si esa asociación de negocios del Comisionado con sus feligreses lo mantenía tan ocupado que nunca inició ninguna investigación o juicio de presuntos Criptojudíos como los capitanes Alberto del Canto, Gaspar Castaño de Sosa y el misterioso Diego de Montemayor. Además, el cura de Saltillo presentó una queja contra el Capitán Diego de Villareal, residente de Monterrey, quien supuestamente "portaba armas, montaba a caballo, vestía ropas de seda y joyas a pesar de ser descendiente de padres bautizados como adultos" {es decir, anusim convertidos por la fuerza}. Nada de lo que se derivó de los cargos y quejas presentadas contra los capitanes Villareal o del Canto, ni de las sospechas con respecto a Castaño de Sosa.

Mientras tanto, en Nuevo México, Fray Alonso de Benavides informó a la Inquisición el 29 de junio de 1626 que el Gobernador Juan de Eulate nunca perdía la oportunidad de discutir con quien estuviera presente la caída de obispos y clérigos. "Los españoles ignorantes de esta zona", informó el Fraile, "tenían una mala impresión del clero y el Gobernador los ha animado mucho en estas discusiones". Fray Benavides identificó al Sargento Mayor Francisco Gómez y al Capitán Alonso Varela como dos de los cómplices más cercanos del Gobernador que deberían ser penitenciados por la Inquisición por ser los más francos [anticlericales] y opuestos a la autoridad Eclesiástica. El Fraile denunció específicamente al Capitán Varela ante la Inquisición de la Ciudad de México por decir que no era pecado mentir bajo juramento y que lo había hecho muchas veces.

Fray Benavides también estaba muy preocupado por un Criptojudío que él mismo había visto penitenciado por la Inquisición de La Española. El Fraile estaba convencido de que el residente de Nuevo México Donayre de las Misas [es decir, Señor Viento de las Misas] no era otro que el médico Francisco de Soto, nativo de las Islas Canarias. Como informó Fray Benavides, estaba seguro de esto porque había servido como Alguacil Mayor de la Inquisición de La Española y había estado presente en su tortura, penitencia, reconciliación y exilio a Sevilla. Sin embargo, de Soto, ahora usando el nombre insultante, vivía libremente en Nuevo México y negaba las afirmaciones de Benavides. Para la consternación de Benavides, el hombre cambió su nombre a Juan Pecador [es decir, Juan el pecador] cuando fue presionado por el Fraile. Estevan Perea, un amigo de de Soto, también fue denunciado a la Inquisición por Benavides como sospechoso de ser un Criptojudío.

Mientras tanto, Vicente Guerra Zaldivar, residente de Zacatecas-Monterrey de veinte años, de la familia extendida económica y políticamente poderosa Pérez de Oñate-Guerra Reza-Mendoza Zaldivar de los reinos del norte del virreinato, pagó una multa sin importancia por pronunciar declaraciones blasfemas y heréticas porque, como señaló en 1615 el Comisionado de la Inquisición de Zacatecas en una carta a la Inquisición con sede en la Ciudad de México, "considerando que el acusado es un joven franco y audaz que es muy poderoso en esta zona, si fuera acusado su juicio causaría grandes inconvenientes".

SOBRE EL AUTOR
Richard G. Santos obtuvo su título de Bachiller en Artes en Historia e Inglés en la Universidad de St. Mary's y una Maestría en Artes en Inglés en la Universidad de Trinity. Cuando aún era estudiante de pregrado en St. Mary's, el primer libro de Richard, Santa Ana's Campaign Against Texas, fue publicado por Texian Press de Waco en 1968 y reeditado por R & D Books de Salisbury, Carolina del Norte, en 1981. Sigue siendo la piedra angular indiscutible para cualquiera que investigue o esté interesado en la historia militar de la Revolución de Texas y la Batalla del Álamo. Desde entonces, Richard ha sido autor, coautor y ha escrito introducciones para 30 libros, 300 artículos [publicados en EE. UU., México, Europa y Japón], y ha lanzado dos álbumes y dos casetes de música folclórica tejana. También ha escrito y producido 12 documentales cinematográficos y ha aparecido en numerosos documentales, incluido The West, estrenado a nivel nacional por PBS en septiembre de 1996. Nueve de sus libros se han utilizado como lecturas complementarias en varios distritos escolares y universidades de Texas y el suroeste, con algunas reimpresiones emitidas por la Agencia de Educación de Texas.

En el camino, Richard se desempeñó como el primer Archivista del Condado de Bexar [Texas], Oficina del Secretario del Condado. A partir de entonces, enseñó a tiempo completo y se desempeñó como Director de Estudios Étnicos en la Universidad Our Lady of the Lake, y ha enseñado a tiempo parcial en la Universidad de Trinity, Palo Alto Community College y la Escuela de Medicina Aeroespacial en Brooks AFB, todas ubicadas en San Antonio, Texas. También se ha desempeñado como consultor y conferencista para la Agencia de Educación de Texas, el Departamento de Educación de EE. UU., el Departamento del Interior de EE. UU., el Departamento de Trabajo de EE. UU. y numerosos distritos escolares y universidades en todo Texas y el suroeste. Además de hacer programas de radio en inglés para WOAI y en español para KBUC, Richard también fue columnista semanal para el San Antonio Express-News de 1988 a 1993.

Richard comenzó a dar conferencias y a publicar artículos sobre los Nuevos Cristianos Sefarditas y Criptojudíos de Texas, México y el suroeste de los EE. UU. ya en 1968, cuando el tema se consideraba controvertido. En diez años, la desconfianza de ambas comunidades, la hispana y la judía, se había superado y Richard compartía el podio en la Universidad de Trinity con el reconocido erudito judío Seymour Liebman. Más tarde, Richard se convirtió en orador principal en conferencias históricas judías en San Antonio, El Paso y Galveston, Texas y Santa Fe, Nuevo México, así como en el Templo Beth El en San Antonio. También ha impartido un mini-curso sobre los Criptojudíos y la Inquisición Mexicana en el Centro de la Comunidad Judía de San Antonio.

Autos de Fe de la Conspiración Portuguesa celebrada por el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de la Ciudad de México 1646-1648, es la última contribución de Richard G. Santos al campo de los estudios Criptojudíos.





Fuente: https://web.archive.org/web/20001014033117/http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Crete/1340/lecture.htm


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